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f57v and the Catalan Atlas |
Posted by: Koen G - 27-07-2017, 10:26 PM - Forum: Imagery
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In another thread, Searcher mentioned compass roses (or wind roses). When one looks for info on these, the You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. is unavoidable, since it contains the first compass rose on a map. I'll select some info from the wiki for those who are unfamiliar with the work:
Quote:The Catalan Atlas is the most important map of the medieval period in the Catalan language (drawn and written in 1375). It was produced by the Majorcan cartographic school and is attributed to Cresques Abraham (also known as "Abraham Cresques"), a Jewish book illuminator [...] The Catalan Atlas originally consisted of six vellum leaves folded down the middle, painted in various colors including gold and silver. The leaves are now cut in half. Each half-leaf is mounted on one side of five wooden panels. n overall size of 65 × 300 cm.
The first two leaves contain texts in Catalan covering cosmography, astronomy, and astrology. These texts are accompanied by illustrations. The texts and illustration emphasize the Earth's spherical shape and the state of the known world. They also provide information to sailors on tides and how to tell time at night.
[...]
Unlike many other nautical charts, the Catalan Atlas is read with the north at the bottom.
Now, you might notice I placed this thread in the Voynich forum instead of "Non-Voynich medievalia". That is because at just a glance I saw two indications which link this map to f57v.
The first one is that on this chart, several rulers are depicted, and ones who have a lot of gold are shown in a rather specific pose, holding up a gold nugget. I attach Mansa Musa, the 14th century king of Mali who, according to legend, brought along so much gold that he caused massive inflation where he went. The text on the Atlas reads:
mansa.jpg (Size: 65.93 KB / Downloads: 338)
Another such figure is queen Sebba. The legend reads: Arabia Sebba. Province that had queen Sebba; now it belongs to the Arabs Sarracens, and in it there very good aromas, as well as myrth and frankincense. Gold, silver and precious stones are plentiful, and there you can find a bird named Phoenix.
Now the second thing. In the other thread, I noted that the "North" on the compass rose is marked with an emblem for, according to the literature, the pole star. I have often said that at least in quire 13, this type of line denotes the northern polar region in the sky, so that's when my internal alarm went off.
Untitled-2.jpg (Size: 52.23 KB / Downloads: 203)
But there's something else. On the first panel (cosmological) there is again a wind diagram, again topped with the curious pole star symbol. But here the symbol has been circled with a line, creating (or rather, bringing to the fore) a familiar shape, one very similar to the one in the centre of f57v. Just to show how similar they are, I have traced both (bottom).
cosmos.jpg (Size: 41.33 KB / Downloads: 198)
I must say I haven't been following many discussions about this folio since it seems somewhat separate from the main sections. For all I know this is old news, though I haven't found anything in the forum search, apart from Diane mentioning the Atlas' relevance in more general terms.
I do think that it might hold more relevant information. For example, there is something to the way it draws cities (also found in some manuscripts). A city is basically a political symbol (flag, tower, dome...) placed inside cylindrical city walls.
Any thoughts?
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The Bull's Basket |
Posted by: -JKP- - 27-07-2017, 06:15 PM - Forum: Imagery
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I touched on this in a blog, but didn't go into it in detail because I was more concerned about zodiac imagery at the time and didn't have time to talk about baskets, but maybe it's a good topic for the forum.
In the two depictions of "Taurus" (a red long-horned animal), the animal is eating from a basket with green stuff in it (or walking next to a basket with a green interior). I had noted earlier that one of the baskets has a diagonal weave (which is much less common than horizontal weaves) and that it's unusual for bulls to eat from baskets (this usually only happens in hot countries and not often).
Another thing I had noticed about the basket, but wasn't sure, is that it might be the kind that narrows at the bottom. It's hard to tell because it butts up against the edge of the circle that surrounds the drawing.
Here is a detail from f71v:
TaurusCalathus.png (Size: 369.81 KB / Downloads: 141)
Here is an example of what I mean by a basket that narrows (I can't be sure it's this kind but I offer it as a possibility). I chose this one because it has a diagonal weave:
CalathusDetail.png (Size: 79.1 KB / Downloads: 139)
These were general-purpose baskets but seem to have been mainly used for items associated with women, such as spinning and sewing tools, flowers, and sometimes fruits. It's called calathus, qualus, quasillus. Slaves who spun were called quasillaria.
This one from Tacuinum Sanitatus is narrower at the bottom (used for harvesting chives/shallots), but it doesn't have a diagonal weave:
![[Image: 20de78c34180891ebe16039bb2c1964a.jpg]](https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/originals/20/de/78/20de78c34180891ebe16039bb2c1964a.jpg)
So... is the diagonal weave significant?
Is it a basket with a narrow bottom?
Were diagonal (and possibly narrowed) baskets used for other purposes?
Are there any examples of bulls feeding from this specific kind of basket?
It's quite difficult to find images of bulls eating from any kind of basket (I only saw two or three) and especially difficult to find this in zodiac imagery (I can't remember whether I was able to locate any) but maybe the Voynich community can unravel whether the weave and shape of the basket has any significance.
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The middle of f82r as death or resurrection |
Posted by: Anton - 23-07-2017, 05:59 PM - Forum: Imagery
- Replies (68)
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In the other thread when discussing the "musdel" page we noted that the person depicted there is placed at an angle (somewhere between 45 and 90 degrees clock- or counterclockwise) typical to represent dead persons in contemporary manuscripts. Hence, s/he is possibly meant to be dead. In addition, Koen provided a keen observation that whenever dead persons are depicted at such angles in contemporary literature, they tend to be depicted with their eyes closed.
Consider the picture in the middle of f82r. The person to the right is depicted at an angle suggesting his/her death. Moreover, s/he lies upon what quite proclaims itself to be a bier, although a somewhat allegorical one.
Furthermore, while the person's right eye is definitely closed (as we would expect it to be), the left eye suggests a pupil, although probably not as marked as pupils of persons alive depicted elsewhere in the VMS.
Hence I thought that the eye may be opening or closing, and, respectively, the person to the right may be intended to represent the process of dying or, alternatively, the resurrection. This is corroborated with something allegorical depicted to the left, containing curious imagery of a star and, further leftwards, of yet another, more complicated, star (?), tied with a "thread". This system is emanated - or, alternatively, received - by some "apparatus" "operated" by another person ("operator"). The "system" may represent the soul leaving the body or returning therein, while the operator, in the case of resurrection, may represent a person producing the miracle. Whether it is death or resurrection - depends on the direction the "soul" is travelling. It is difficult to say if it's leftwards or rightwards.
I tried to locate a suitable story of resurrection in the Bible, but while there are many there, neither looks like "resurrection at a distance". However, there are apocryphal sources as well, I did not check them. Or it may be not Biblical at all.
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New observation in f116v |
Posted by: Milen Chakarov - 22-07-2017, 02:34 PM - Forum: Marginalia
- Replies (7)
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The ONLY place where the two voynichese words of the sentence in You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. can be seen exactly in the same combination is the eighth paragraph of f104r. I have found this “reading” carefully the entire manuscript page-by-page and “word”-by-“word”. When a Voynich Query Processor appeared on
the Internet he gave me the same result.But there is something more interesting. Taking exactly the crosses and the words between them, the two
words are in the same place in both sentences(I exclude the cross above “maria”). For more clarity, see the PDF file below.Whether it can be used
and how I leave it to the specialists.
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Milen Chakarov
22.07.2017
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Matching Quire 13 labels in context |
Posted by: MarcoP - 21-07-2017, 12:49 PM - Forum: Analysis of the text
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During the last couple of months I have been playing with various attempts to match Voynich labels with the nearby text. My hope was to understand more of word morphology, searching for words that match the labels but for some minor changes. I haven't done anything smart (e.g. writing some kind of software to automatically explore the search-space of possible word alterations): I just played around with voynichese.com and regular expressions.
For a change, the results are not brilliant, but I thought I'd share them anyway. Maybe discussing with others will provide new ideas on how to proceed.
I have tried the approach on two sets of data: - quire 13 (the “balneo” / “biological” section)
- the pharma / jars-and-small-plants paragraphs (discussed You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view.)
The “pharma” section provided a very limited number of matches.
Things were slightly better for Quire13. The quire is made of ten folios (20 pages) and contains about 130 labels. Labels that match the top 300 more common words in the manuscript have been ignored. A whole folio (both recto and verso) was considered at one time. I looked for matches both in the folio that contains the label and in the whole quire. Since there are 10 folios, in principle a match has a 10% probability of occurring in the same folio as the label.
I found 124 matches (most matching labels generate multiple matches), 23 of which are in the same folio as the label. This is a 18.5% of matches in the right “folio”. Not great, but still almost the double of the “random” 10%.
Here is the complete list of matches:
Code: LABEL:saino MATCH:_sain_ol_ f75
LABEL:saino MATCH:_saino_ f75
LABEL:darol MATCH:_dar_ol_ f75
LABEL:daldy MATCH:_daldy_ f75
LABEL:qoted MATCH:_qoked_ f75
LABEL:olkchy MATCH:_qolkchy_ f75
LABEL:olol MATCH:_ol_ol_ f75
LABEL:olol MATCH:_qolol_ f75
LABEL:olol MATCH:_qol_ol_ f75
LABEL:olol MATCH:_olol_ f75
LABEL:otol.shedy MATCH:_qotol_shedy_ f77
LABEL:opor MATCH:_opor_ f80
LABEL:otalshedy MATCH:_qokal_shedy_ f80
LABEL:otan MATCH:_qokan_ f80
LABEL:darol MATCH:_dar_ol_ f82
LABEL:okoldy MATCH:_qokoldy_ f82
LABEL:okeeor MATCH:_okeeor_ f82
LABEL:otechdy MATCH:_qokechedy_ f82
LABEL:otedal MATCH:_qokedal_ f82
LABEL:olkol MATCH:_olkol_ f82
LABEL:okedor MATCH:_qotedor_ f82
LABEL:otoldy MATCH:_qokoldy_ f82
LABEL:olsaiin MATCH:_ols_aiin_ f83
Most of the matches occur in f75 and f82. Since the “otol” matches are dubious (I am not sure “olol” really is a label) I will only comment f82 matches.
Of the 8 matched labels in You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. and You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view.:
2 match directly and perfectly (okeeor and olkol)
1 is split into two words (darol / dar ol)
5 required the addition of a q- prefix; 4 of these have the shift k->t or t->k; one case also has the additional insertion of an 'e' otechdy->qokechedy
These results could suggest that q- really is a prefix that can be added to a “root-form”; one problem is that the q- matches typically also require to switch a 't' for a 'k' or vice-versa, and I don't think these data are enough to conclude that the switch is really possible (i.e. otoldy and qokoldy might still be two unrelated words).
You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. has the interesting feature of presenting similar labels for similar illustrations: these are the labels near the rainbows.- otedal (top right)
- otedy (top left) is also similar but not associated with a rainbow
- okedor (the only one I could match with a word on the recto)
- otedol
- oteedy
I doubt these labels can be different spellings for the same word: it seems strange to me that the same word and the same object are repeated several times in the same page. I think it more likely that both the rainbows and the words correspond to different but closely related concepts.
I have also collected five groups of identical or very similar labels (again, only considering quire 13).
See them highlighted on You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view..
daldy (light blue). This label occurs twice in the same illustration (in one case, it is split into two words). The illustration is fairly complex: ten nymphs stand below ten streams. Each nymph/stream has two labels. I believe that the bottom label refers to the nymph (see the discussion of "otoly" below). Both occurrences of “daldy” are at the top: they could refer to the streams or maybe be adjectives applied to the nymph labels (but of course they can really be anything, this is quite speculative).
<f75v.L1.5;H> dal.dy-
<f75v.L1.15;H> daldy-
darol (green). The two occurrences are identical. The first one is in the same illustration as “daldy” but occurs as the bottom label: it could refer to the nymph. The You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. occurrence refers to some kind of amorphous fluid or gas.
<f75v.L1.4;H> darol=
<f82r.L2.1;H> darol=
o[tk]oldy (salmon pink). These two labels differ because of the k<->t switch, so this match is not very reliable. The fact that the two occurrences are on the two sides of the same folio might add some plausibility to the match. One of the labels refers to a nymph; the second one to a bulbous nebuly-line object.
<f82r.L2.5;H> okoldy=
<f82v.L3.14;H> otoldy=
olkol (dark blue). The first occurrence is part of the label for a large pool containing 16 nymphs. The second label names a nymph; next to this one, there's another nymph (in a tub) who is labeled 'okain'. One could be tempted to consider the identification of the two nymphs "okain.olkol" with the pool "otoin.olkol".
<f81v.X.1;H> otoin.olkol=
<f82v.L3.7;H> okain=
<f82v.L3.8;H> olkol=
o[tk]ol[y|or] (yellow) Two of the labels are perfect matches (otoly) in the “inner side” of the first bifolio. For once, identical labels correspond to very similar images: nymphs wearing bonnets, facing left, at the far right of long rows of nymphs in large pools, with some liquid flowing from above. I think this supports the idea that the bottom labels in the You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. pool refer to the nymphs.
'otolor' is the label of the right tube in an illustration that seems to compare two different “states” of a same substance (see also You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view.). I think this label is likely unrelated or only loosely related with 'otoly'.
'okolo' is again a nymph facing left, but she wears a peculiar diadem. She might or might not be related with 'otoly'.
<f75v.L1.20;H> otoly=
<f77v.L.2;H> otolor=
<f80r.X.4;H> okolo=
<f84r.X.11;H> otoly=
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Matching “pharma” / “small plants” labels in context |
Posted by: MarcoP - 21-07-2017, 12:35 PM - Forum: Analysis of the text
- Replies (24)
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During the last couple of months I have been playing with various attempts to match Voynich labels with the nearby text.
The “pharma” or “small-plants” section looked like a promising area: a lot of labels and not so much text. If the labels were mentioned in the text, they should be easy to find. It turns out that they are not easy to find.
I have searched the “pharma” section for labels matched in the corresponding paragraph. Out of more than 200 labels, I only found these close matches:
You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view.
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As you can see, the second match depends on the hypothetical equivalence between k and t. The first match has the word split on two lines and with a different suffix. The other two are only split into two words.
Some of the results seem intriguing to me (in particular, the dol-dam blue mushroom), but they are too few to formulate any positive hypothesis. However strange, my basic experiment seems to suggest that the paragraphs do not usually mention the specific illustrated items. I guess one could try a different, more sophisticated, approach.
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M(n)išovský |
Posted by: Anton - 19-07-2017, 05:05 PM - Forum: Provenance & history
- Replies (20)
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I decided to open a dedicated thread about this man, so as not to flood the other thread #2009 with particulars of his life not directly related to his report to Marci (about 600 ducats, you know).
I wondered why the man is called "Mnišovský" while in the 18th century Plezl's book he is called "Mischowsky" (without letter "n").
(to be precise, his was born as Sobiehrd but later he took on his mother's surname M(n)išovský, supposedly because "Sobiehrd" was too tough for his fellows abroad).
It appears that "Mnišovský" is a valid form of his name. Contemporary sources such as the German Wikipedia You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. confirm that.
And quite a number of old references can be found in old books via Google books if a search is performed against "Mischowsky" keyword.
I do not know yet whether the actual name (i.e. his mother's name) was with the letter "n" or without, and when it was that the other form of the name appeared. Screening of Google books suggests that the form of "Mnischowsky" was already in use at least as early as 1709.
However, it is particularly interesting that a third form of his name existed - namely, the Germanised form "Meisch". See "Beiträge zur Geschichte der böhmischen Länder", You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view., page 73:
Quote:Dr. Raphael Meisch oder Mischowsky (Mnissowsky oder Mnischowsky) von Sebuzin
The word form of Meisch open a new path for investigation.
For example, the following interesting passage is immediately found (in You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view.), about some confiscation of books (and other belongings) in Jihlava in 1625:
Quote:Sehr viele Einwohner Jglau's verließen ihre Vater stadt und versügten sich rößtentheils nach Ungarn. Die zurückgelassenen Realitäten fielen dem k. Fiscus zu und wurden theilweisse zur Abstattung des städt. Darlehens von 90,000 Gulden verwendet, theilweisse zur Erbauung des Collegiums und der Kirche der Jeſuiten überlassen. Als Inquiſitions - Commiſſäre wurden (1625) die kais. Räthe Raphael Meisch von Herrnstein und Ronsperg und Georg Bacher abgeordnet.
Ein weiteres Reformationsmittel war die Abforde rung aller Bücher aus der Stadt und den Vorſtädten, welche der Cardinal Dietrichſtein auf das Rathhaus bringen ließ (2. Febr. 1626).
(p. 280)
On page 269 op.cit. we find the following information:
Quote:Die Doctoren Raphael Meisch und Georg Bacher nahmen als kais. Commissarien am 31.August u. ff. 1622 in Iglau mit der ganzen Bürgerschaft die Untersuchung vor.
The town of Jihlava was evidently an unfortunate object of constant imperial commissions.
Note that in both cases Meisch is mentioned together with one Dr. Bacher. I wonder if Bacher could be Baresсh? After all, both are Georgs, and "Bacher" is just as close to "Baresch" as "Meisch" is to "Mischowsky".
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Mnišovský's report |
Posted by: Anton - 17-07-2017, 10:26 PM - Forum: Provenance & history
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Our knowledge of the VMS once belonging to Rudolf is based on the report by Mnišovský, which, in turn, is referenced in the letter by Marci to Kircher, in the following words:
Quote:Retulit mihi D. Doctor Raphael Ferdinandi tertij Regis tum Boemiae in lingua boemica instructor dictum librum fuisse Rudolphi Imperatoris, pro quo ipse latori qui librum attulisset 600 ducatos praesentarit, authorem uero ipsum putabat esse Rogerium Bacconem Anglum.
(We discussed P. Neal's translation in #1007)
I would like to fit a Dr. Watson's coat on, and to try to deduce something from this Mnišovský's report and the very fact that it was made.
Although sometimes this is disputed, but for the sake of this thread I do not dispute three things:
- that this report of Mnišovský to Marci (for brevity, let me call it "the Report" hereinafter) indeed took place (i.e. it was not invented by Marci or distorted by him in any way);
- that Mnišovský did act in good faith - in other words, whether the contents of the Report were true or false, he believed it reliable enough to be reported to Marci;
- that they all are talking about the Voynich Manuscript, and not some other book (which is quite not self-evident).
Now on to the power of deduction, into an exceedingly lengthy and boring post.
First of all, Marci's reference mentions the "Emperor Rudolf" without specifying the index. So it might have related either to Rudolf I or to Rudolf II. If I am not mistaken, initially Voynich interpreted it as relating to Rudolf I. By the way, Rudolf I was a contemporary of Roger Bacon. One problem with this interpretation that I can see is that Rudolf I does not seem to me to have been particularly interested in books. So it is more likely that it is Rudolf II who is mentioned in the report, and not Rudolf I. This interpretation is currently predominant in Voynich studies. Let's hold on to it.
Next, Marci's reference uses the phrase "Regis tum Boemiae" (="at that time the King of Bohemia"). From the text it is not clear whether this "that time" relates to the time when Mnišovský reported the things to Marci or to the time when Rudolf acquired the book. However, the latter is simply not possible, because Ferdinand III became King of Bohemia in 1627, while Rudolf II died in 1612. Hence, Marci's reference is to be interpreted in the following way:
When Mnišovský was the language instructor of Ferdinand III (while Ferdinand III himself was the King of Bohemia), Mnišovský told Marci these things about the VMS.
In other words, this information exchange between Mnišovský and Marci occured in the time frame between 1627 and 1637, when Ferdinand III became the Holy Roman Emperor (technically he continued to be the King of Bohemia as well, but of course he would have been referenced as the Emperor, not simply as the King of Bohemia, from 1637 onwards). As a sidenote, Ferdinand III became King of Bohemia at the age of 19, when Mnišovský was about 47, and Marci was 32 years old. (De Tepenesz was five years dead by that time, and Baresh was between 35 and 51 yo).
In the said time period Marci, as far as I understand, resided in Prague. And, although, the youth of Ferdinand III passed in Graz, I assume that, at the moment of the Report, he - and Mnišovský with him as his tutor - also resided in Prague, since I assume that it is Prague that is the approprite seat for Kings of Bohemia.
So, the Report took place between 1627 and 1637 in Prague.
Was the Report unsolicited, or was it requested by Marci? We can't say for sure, but the latter looks more probable, because at that time the VMS was in possession of Baresh, Marci's friend, so it just looks more natural that Marci asked Mnišovský about the book than that Mnišovský decided "a propos" to tell Marci about the book without ever knowing about Baresh's and Marci's interest in that information.
So, the Report took place because it was requested (or otherwise implicitly suggested to be made) by Marci from Mnišovský.
Now we come to more interesting questions.
In the first place, why did Marci ask Mnišovský, and not someone else, to begin with?
Here it is very important to note that at the point of time when Rudolf may have acquired the book, Mnišovský himself was not at Rudolf's court (we will also use this piece of information later).
Moreover, when asking Mnišovský, Marci did not know in advance whether the book ever was or was not connected to Rudolf (otherwise he would not have credited Mnišovský as the source of this information to Kircher - he would have credited some other source instead).
Lastly, Mnišovský himself could not have been the owner of the book, and, respectively, Marci could not have had any apriori knowledge of that (which could induce him to ask Mnišovský). Otherwise, Mnišovský would have confirmed that to Marci (remember that we consider him acting in good faith) and Marci would have surely mentioned that fact in his reference, like "this book was once owned by Dr. Raphael".
In other words, the reasons for Marci to ask Mnišovský were not of the following:
- any kind of the book's perceived relation to Rudolf;
- supposed Mnišovský's ownership of the book at some moment in time.
Here we have to trace four logical paths:
A) Marci apriori knew or suspected that the matter was somehow related to the court, so he needed to ask a person from the court, such as Mnišovský was;
B) Marci did not need a person from the court specifically, he just needed to find some appropriate person in general to ask about such kind of stuff;
C) Marci apriori suspected that the matter was somehow related to Mnišovský (but Mnišovský actually disproved that in the Report);
D) Marci suspected that Mnišovský has known de Tepenecz in the past, so he expected that Mnišovský could have known something about this curious book once owned by de Tepenecz.
Let's expand option "A" first.
Rene mentions that from 1626 onwards Marci was the "Chief Physician of the Bohemian Kingdom". I do not know whether that means that Marci was at the court of Ferdinand II or Ferdinand III, but, for the sake of generality, I assume that that does not. So, several possibilities present themselves in the discussed respect:
A1. Marci simply did not know anybody at the court except Mnišovský;
A2. Marci knew several persons at the court, but he just occasionally began his inquiries with Mnišovský (and succeeded at once);
A3. Marci knew several persons at the court, but he also knew apriori that Mnišovský is the right guy to ask;
A4. Marci in fact asked several people at the court (which he just omitted from his reference to Kircher), but only Mnišovský was able to provide him with information.
Options A1 and A2 really do not take us any further. Besides, I do not find A1 very probable for a "Chief Physician of the Bohemian Kingdom".
Option A3 lacks any plausible explanation except for its possible intersection with options B and C (discussed separately below), which options imply that Mnišovský was asked not because he was a member of the court in general, but because he was Mnišovský in particular.
Option A4, if considered within the framework of "A" in general, looks plausible. Indeed, we do not know any reference to the VMS's connection to Rudolf except the Report. That means that the VMS was not something of a legend widely and publicly discussed at the court of Bohemian kings. This correlates with the assumption that noone from the court was able to say anything to Marci except the experienced and quite aged (47 yo at least!) court member Mnišovský. But the problem is that Mnišovský has never been at Rudolf's court. As suggested You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view., first he studied abroad in the second half of 1600's, and then he was with Klesl in Austria. So he could not be a direct (even a more or less direct) witness of anything that happened with the VMS at the Rudolf's court. He must have extracted his knowledge from some other source - not from simple hearsay (since, as noted above, there does not seem to have been much hearsay about the VMS), but rather in some targeted fashion.
Thus, option A sums up to the following: this way or another, in seeking information at the court about the VMS, Marci stumbled at Mnišovský's information, which the latter obtained in an indirect fashion.
Now, why option A, to begin with (mind that we are within limits of option A still)? Why would Marci apply to the court for information about the VMS? Evidently, because he knew that there was some connection between the VMS and the court. How could he knew that? Two main options are there:
- he observed the de Tepenecz's signature and recognized that de Tepenecz had been a man of the court;
- he knew the circumstances of Baresh's getting hold of the VMS, and those were somehow related to the court or to the persons of the court.
It has long been a puzzle why neither of the two - nor the signature, nor the circumstances - have been mentioned in any XVII c. correspondence that we are aware of. Did Marci know the circumstances of Baresh's getting hold of the VMS? Very probably, because Baresh was his friend, he performed inquiries for him, and it would be strange to perform inquiries without being enarmed with as much input data as possible. Did Marci (and Baresh) know about the signature? This is really difficult to say. Consider two options:
- it was clear for Marci and Baresh to observe;
- it was difficult for Marci and Baresh to observe (i.e. already erased or faded out).
In the first case, of course, they knew about it, because it is situated in the very first folio and would be easy to spot. And actually, it is possible to explain why the signature, and the more so for the circumstances under which Baresh acquired the book, were not mentioned in the correspondence. Mind that we know only of the post-Report correspondence. They just could consider the circumstances of Baresh's acquiring the book insignificant against the (much more valuable) information that the book was once owned by Rudolf himself. This is quite, quite probable. The same could be said about the fact that de Tepenecz once owned the book, but... this is not that very probable. Why? Because from the very fact of de Tepenecz signature it is not clear whether de Tepenecz owned the book before Rudolf or after him. And (putting ourselves in place of Baresh and Marci), the very possibility that de Tepenecz might have owned the book prior to Rudolf definitely makes the signature worth mentioning. Of course, one can say that in correspondence with Kircher they (especially Baresh, as is evident from his letter to Kircher) were not interested in the book's provenance, only in its decipherement, so they omitted the fact of the signature. Well, well, that might be the case... but might be not.
Consider the second case: the signature was already faded out or erased when Baresh and Marci began their work with the MS. Unfortunately, after Voynich applied his chemicals, we cannot judge if it was faded or erased. Certain kinds of ink can fade very quickly, especially given that the VMS was not protected by binding back then. On the other hand, it could have been erased, but Voynich's chemicals sadly acted to obscure that. It's a pity that we don't have Voynich's own judgement on this issue. Anyway, as far as I understand, Voynich detected the signature and recognized it as de Tepenecz's one prior to applying chemicals. In other words, the signature was traceable without chemicals. However, given that it took Voynich some nine years to find it out, it is not impossible that Marci could miss it for all his life, especially given that his eyesight has been attested as poor. Was Baresh equally poor-sighted? Is it possible that two men both failed to detect the signature for decades? Yes, but I'd say, perhaps not very likely.
Suppose that Baresh and Marci knew about the Tepenecz signature, but purposefully concealed that information, as well as information about the circumstances under which Baresh acquired the book. Why? The reason on the surface would simply be that Baresh obtained the book in an illegal fashion. Suppose that Baresh stole the book (or someone stole the book for Baresh). Very likely that in that case he would not have been wery keen to share that information. Moreover, he would probably try to conceal the fact that the book ever belonged to de Tepenecz - by erasing the exlibris. And Marci, devoted to his friend, faithfully concealed that too. Does that seem probable? Not very. Because Baresh would have been a very awkward conspirator if he could not erase the signature without leaving any traces of it. He could even tear this piece off (this would not damage the text on the other side, only the image of the root), but he did not do that.
So, neither explanation looks entirely satisfactory, and we are still in the dark as to this strangely evading signature.
To sum up option A:
Baresh and Marci had reasons to believe that the book related to the court somehow - either due to de Tepenecz signature or to the peculiar circumstances under which Baresh acquired the book. They either did not notice the signature or simply omitted the presence thereof in the subsequent correspondence - due to its insignificance in the view of the fact that the book was owned by Rudolf himself or due to the fact that they were interested primarily in the book's decryption, not in the history of ownership thereof. In seeking information at the court about the VMS, Marci stumbled at Mnišovský's information, which the latter obtained in an indirect fashion.
Considerations about the signature and about the sources of Mnišovský's information aout the book do equally apply to options B, C, and D, so I won't repeat them below.
Let's move on to option B.
Why would Marci consider Mnišovský as an "appropriate" person to be asked about the VMS. Very simple: because Mnišovský was known to be (to put it in Rene's words) "strongly interested in alchemy and in secret writing", and must have been known as a specialist in that.
In that case, however, Marci would likely have shown Mnišovský the book in order to obtain his judgement. In fact, the phrase "authorem uero ipsum putabat esse Rogerium Bacconem Anglum" may refer to the results of Mnišovský's inspection of the VMS, not to the information received by Mnišovský from a third party. Like, Mnišovský had a look at the VMS, was not able to decipher it, but expressed his educated guess about Bacon's authorship.
To sum up option B:
Marci applied to Mnišovský as a known expert in alchemy and/or secret writing. He even might have shown the book (or copies/excerpts thereof) to Mnišovský. In this case, the "Roger Bacon" hypothesis might have been the educated guess of Mnišovský upon looking at the VMS.
Let's move on to option C.
Why would Marci suspect that the VMS was related to Mnišovský? I can imagine two possibilities:
- Marci observed the de Tepenecz signature and he also knew that Mnišovský was somehow connected with de Tepenecz (I don't know if the two were actually connected or not, but anyway). Actually, this simply resolves to option D;
- certain circumstances under which Baresh obtained the book were somehow connected to Mnišovský.
The first option requires further investigation, and the second will remain a deadend unless we discover more from some Baresh's writings yet-to-be-discovered.
Now, only option D remains to be discussed, but I have just touched it above.
To those who still are reading up to this point: we thus have discussed the question of why Marci did ever approach Mnišovský about the VMS. Another question is what were the sources of Mnišovský's knowledge about the VMS, given that he was not a member of Rudolf's court himself. I do not have a ready answer, and I got tired writing all this stuff ))) so probably I will touch that question the other day. I can only note that I suspect that traces of that knowledge should be looked for in Graz rather than in Prague.
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Rudolf's books |
Posted by: Anton - 14-07-2017, 05:12 PM - Forum: Provenance & history
- Replies (6)
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You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. discusses some lists of Rudolf's books. It is noted that the lists are by no means a full representation of the books that Rudolf owned.
So the chance to find a match for the VMS in those lists is not high.
Anyway.
Rene mentions that:
Quote:The inventory does not mention any book in unknown writing or language. In general, the large collection of alchemical books known to have been owned by Rudolf are not found in this inventory. Some of these were taken to Sweden as war booty, and later given to I. Vossius, who brought them to Leiden, where they are still preserved. The only entry which might possibly refer to the Voynich MS is:
Quote: In folio: ein philosophisch alt geschriben buch mit figurn und ein copey uff pergamen geschriben vom Mathes Dörrer, ungebunden, welchs nit gantz beysamen und Herr Hayden auß bevelch I. Mt: etliche bletter davon genommen
We discussed this record elsewhere in this forum, and it does not look like a good match for the VMS. But what occurred to me is that the search for matches in the available lists of Rudolf's books might have taken the wrong direction from the very beginning (I don't know if it actually did, hence I'm opening this thread for discussion).
From what I perceive from Rene's description, the search was narrowed down to books "in unknown writing or language". But the VMS might have been perceived by Rudolf (or the seller who sold the book to him) - and hence put down into the catalogue - quite in another way.
First, it might have been perceived as a book in a known but exotic language. Recall how references to Coptiс were made in the later history of the VMS. That the seller neither anybody at the court could not read the book does not mean that the book is an unknown language. If I can't read Spanish that does not mean that Spanish is a language "unknown".
Second, it might have been catalogued as a book by someone (Roger Bacon or another author deemed likely by the seller or by Rudolf) without any reference to the language or writing whatsoever. That the writing is unreadable does not necessarily mean that this fact would have been specifically mentioned in the catalogue, especially if the author was deemed to be a famous person. The fact of unreadability might have been of lesser priority to the purchaser than the fact of the book having been created by a famous author, so it just could be omitted.
Unfortunately, I found no lists of Rudolpf's books on the Internet to check these considerations myself.
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