The Voynich Ninja

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Our knowledge of the VMS once belonging to Rudolf is based on the report by Mnišovský, which, in turn, is referenced in the letter by Marci to Kircher, in the following words:

Quote:Retulit mihi D. Doctor Raphael Ferdinandi tertij Regis tum Boemiae in lingua boemica instructor dictum librum fuisse Rudolphi Imperatoris, pro quo ipse latori qui librum attulisset 600 ducatos praesentarit, authorem uero ipsum putabat esse Rogerium Bacconem Anglum.

(We discussed P. Neal's translation in #1007)

I would like to fit a Dr. Watson's coat on, and to try to deduce something from this Mnišovský's report and the very fact that it was made.

Although sometimes this is disputed, but for the sake of this thread I do not dispute three things:
  • that this report of Mnišovský to Marci (for brevity, let me call it "the Report" hereinafter) indeed took place (i.e. it was not invented by Marci or distorted by him in any way);
  • that Mnišovský did act in good faith - in other words, whether the contents of the Report were true or false, he believed it reliable enough to be reported to Marci;
  • that they all are talking about the Voynich Manuscript, and not some other book (which is quite not self-evident).
Now on to the power of deduction, into an exceedingly lengthy and boring post.

First of all, Marci's reference mentions the "Emperor Rudolf" without specifying the index. So it might have related either to Rudolf I or to Rudolf II. If I am not mistaken, initially Voynich interpreted it as relating to Rudolf I. By the way, Rudolf I was a contemporary of Roger Bacon. One problem with this interpretation that I can see is that Rudolf I does not seem to me to have been particularly interested in books. So it is more likely that it is Rudolf II who is mentioned in the report, and not Rudolf I. This interpretation is currently predominant in Voynich studies. Let's hold on to it.

Next, Marci's reference uses the phrase "Regis tum Boemiae" (="at that time the King of Bohemia"). From the text it is not clear whether this "that time" relates to the time when Mnišovský reported the things to Marci or to the time when Rudolf acquired the book. However, the latter is simply not possible, because Ferdinand III became King of Bohemia in 1627, while Rudolf II died in 1612. Hence, Marci's reference is to be interpreted in the following way:

When Mnišovský was the language instructor of Ferdinand III (while Ferdinand III himself was the King of Bohemia), Mnišovský told Marci these things about the VMS.

In other words, this information exchange between Mnišovský and Marci occured in the time frame between 1627 and 1637, when Ferdinand III became the Holy Roman Emperor (technically he continued to be the King of Bohemia as well, but of course he would have been referenced as the Emperor, not simply as the King of Bohemia, from 1637 onwards). As a sidenote, Ferdinand III became King of Bohemia at the age of 19, when Mnišovský was about 47, and Marci was 32 years old. (De Tepenesz was five years dead by that time, and Baresh was between 35 and 51 yo).

In the said time period Marci, as far as I understand, resided in Prague. And, although, the youth of Ferdinand III passed in Graz, I assume that, at the moment of the Report, he - and Mnišovský with him as his tutor - also resided in Prague, since I assume that it is Prague that is  the approprite seat for Kings of Bohemia.

So, the Report took place between 1627 and 1637 in Prague.

Was the Report unsolicited, or was it requested by Marci? We can't say for sure, but the latter looks more probable, because at that time the VMS was in possession of Baresh, Marci's friend, so it just looks more natural that Marci asked Mnišovský about the book than that Mnišovský decided "a propos" to tell Marci about the book without ever knowing about Baresh's and Marci's interest in that information.

So, the Report took place because it was requested (or otherwise implicitly suggested to be made) by Marci from Mnišovský.

Now we come to more interesting questions.

In the first place, why did Marci ask Mnišovský, and not someone else, to begin with?

Here it is very important to note that at the point of time when Rudolf may have acquired the book, Mnišovský himself was not at Rudolf's court (we will also use this piece of information later).

Moreover, when asking Mnišovský, Marci did not know in advance whether the book ever was or was not connected to Rudolf (otherwise he would not have credited Mnišovský as the source of this information to Kircher - he would have credited some other source instead).

Lastly, Mnišovský himself could not have been the owner of the book, and, respectively, Marci could not have had any apriori knowledge of that (which could induce him to ask Mnišovský). Otherwise, Mnišovský would have confirmed that to Marci (remember that we consider him acting in good faith) and Marci would have surely mentioned that fact in his reference, like "this book was once owned by Dr. Raphael".

In other words, the reasons for Marci to ask Mnišovský were not of the following:
  • any kind of the book's perceived relation to Rudolf;
  • supposed Mnišovský's ownership of the book at some moment in time.
Here we have to trace four logical paths:

A) Marci apriori knew or suspected that the matter was somehow related to the court, so he needed to ask a person from the court, such as Mnišovský was;
B) Marci did not need a person from the court specifically, he just needed to find some appropriate person in general to ask about such kind of stuff;
C) Marci apriori suspected that the matter was somehow related to Mnišovský (but Mnišovský actually disproved that in the Report);
D) Marci suspected that Mnišovský has known de Tepenecz in the past, so he expected that Mnišovský could have known something about this curious book once owned by de Tepenecz.

Let's expand option "A" first.

Rene mentions that from 1626 onwards Marci was the "Chief Physician of the Bohemian Kingdom". I do not know whether that means that Marci was at the court of Ferdinand II or Ferdinand III, but, for the sake of generality, I assume that that does not. So, several possibilities present themselves in the discussed respect:

A1. Marci simply did not know anybody at the court except Mnišovský;
A2. Marci knew several persons at the court, but he just occasionally began his inquiries with Mnišovský (and succeeded at once);
A3. Marci knew several persons at the court, but he also knew apriori that Mnišovský is the right guy to ask;
A4. Marci in fact asked several people at the court (which he just omitted from his reference to Kircher), but only Mnišovský was able to provide him with information.

Options A1 and A2 really do not take us any further. Besides, I do not find A1 very probable for a "Chief Physician of the Bohemian Kingdom".

Option A3 lacks any plausible explanation except for its possible intersection with options B and C (discussed separately below), which options imply that Mnišovský was asked not because he was a member of the court in general, but because he was Mnišovský in particular.

Option A4, if considered within the framework of "A" in general, looks plausible. Indeed, we do not know any reference to the VMS's connection to Rudolf except the Report. That means that the VMS was not something of a legend widely and publicly discussed at the court of Bohemian kings. This correlates with the assumption that noone from the court was able to say anything to Marci except the experienced and quite aged (47 yo at least!) court member Mnišovský. But the problem is that Mnišovský has never been at Rudolf's court. As suggested You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view., first he studied abroad in the second half of 1600's, and then he was with Klesl in Austria. So he could not be a direct (even a more or less direct) witness of anything that happened with the VMS at the Rudolf's court. He must have extracted his knowledge from some other source - not from simple hearsay (since, as noted above, there does not seem to have been much hearsay about the VMS), but rather in some targeted fashion.

Thus, option A sums up to the following: this way or another, in seeking information at the court about the VMS, Marci stumbled at Mnišovský's information, which the latter obtained in an indirect fashion.

Now, why option A, to begin with (mind that we are within limits of option A still)? Why would Marci apply to the court for information about the VMS? Evidently, because he knew that there was some connection between the VMS and the court. How could he knew that? Two main options are there:
  • he observed the de Tepenecz's signature and recognized that de Tepenecz had been a man of the court;
  • he knew the circumstances of Baresh's getting hold of the VMS, and those were somehow related to the court or to the  persons of the court.

It has long been a puzzle why neither of the two - nor the signature, nor the circumstances - have been mentioned in any XVII c. correspondence that we are aware of. Did Marci know the circumstances of Baresh's getting hold of the VMS? Very probably, because Baresh was his friend, he performed inquiries for him, and it would be strange to perform inquiries without being enarmed with as much input data as possible. Did Marci (and Baresh) know about the signature? This is really difficult to say. Consider two options:
  • it was clear for Marci and Baresh to observe;
  • it was difficult for Marci and Baresh to observe (i.e. already erased or faded out).

In the first case, of course, they knew about it, because it is situated in the very first folio and would be easy to spot. And actually, it is possible to explain why the signature, and the more so for the circumstances under which Baresh acquired the book, were not mentioned in the correspondence. Mind that we know only of the post-Report correspondence. They just could consider the circumstances of Baresh's acquiring the book insignificant against the (much more valuable) information that the book was once owned by Rudolf himself. This is quite, quite probable. The same could be said about the fact that de Tepenecz once owned the book, but... this is not that very probable. Why? Because from the very fact of de Tepenecz signature it is not clear whether de Tepenecz owned the book before Rudolf or after him. And (putting ourselves in place of Baresh and Marci), the very possibility that de Tepenecz might have owned the book prior to Rudolf definitely makes the signature worth mentioning. Of course, one can say that in correspondence with Kircher they (especially Baresh, as is evident from his letter to Kircher) were not interested in the book's provenance, only in its decipherement, so they omitted the fact of the signature. Well, well, that might be the case... but might be not.

Consider the second case: the signature was already faded out or erased when Baresh and Marci began their work with the MS. Unfortunately, after Voynich applied his chemicals, we cannot judge if it was faded or erased. Certain kinds of ink can fade very quickly, especially given that the VMS was not protected by binding back then. On the other hand, it could have been erased, but Voynich's chemicals sadly acted to obscure that. It's a pity that we don't have Voynich's own judgement on this issue. Anyway, as far as I understand, Voynich detected the signature and recognized it as de Tepenecz's one prior to applying chemicals. In other words, the signature was traceable without chemicals. However, given that it took Voynich some nine years to find it out, it is not impossible that Marci could miss it for all his life, especially given that his eyesight has been attested as poor. Was Baresh equally poor-sighted? Is it possible that two men both failed to detect the signature for decades? Yes, but I'd say, perhaps not very likely.

Suppose that Baresh and Marci knew about the Tepenecz signature, but purposefully concealed that information, as well as information about the circumstances under which Baresh acquired the book. Why? The reason on the surface would simply be that Baresh obtained the book in an illegal fashion. Suppose that Baresh stole the book (or someone stole the book for Baresh). Very likely that in that case he would not have been wery keen to share that information. Moreover, he would probably try to conceal the fact that the book ever belonged to de Tepenecz - by erasing the exlibris. And Marci, devoted to his friend, faithfully concealed that too. Does that seem probable? Not very. Because Baresh would have been a very awkward conspirator if he could not erase the signature without leaving any traces of it. He could even tear this piece off (this would not damage the text on the other side, only the image of the root), but he did not do that.

So, neither explanation looks entirely satisfactory, and we are still in the dark as to this strangely evading signature.

To sum up option A:

Baresh and Marci had reasons to believe that the book related to the court somehow - either due to de Tepenecz signature or to the peculiar circumstances under which Baresh acquired the book. They either did not notice the signature or simply omitted the presence thereof in the subsequent correspondence - due to its insignificance in the view of the fact that the book was owned by Rudolf himself or due to the fact that they were interested primarily in the book's decryption, not in the history of ownership thereof. In seeking information at the court about the VMS, Marci stumbled at Mnišovský's information, which the latter obtained in an indirect fashion.

Considerations about the signature and about the sources of Mnišovský's information aout the book do equally apply to options B, C, and D, so I won't repeat them below.

Let's move on to option B.

Why would Marci consider Mnišovský as an "appropriate" person to be asked about the VMS. Very simple: because Mnišovský was known to be (to put it in Rene's words) "strongly interested in alchemy and in secret writing", and must have been known as a specialist in that.

In that case, however, Marci would likely have shown Mnišovský the book in order to obtain his judgement. In fact, the phrase "authorem uero ipsum putabat esse Rogerium Bacconem Anglum" may refer to the results of Mnišovský's inspection of the VMS, not to the information received by Mnišovský from a third party. Like, Mnišovský had a look at the VMS, was not able to decipher it, but expressed his educated guess about Bacon's authorship.

To sum up option B:

Marci applied to Mnišovský as a known expert in alchemy and/or secret writing. He even might have shown the book (or copies/excerpts thereof) to Mnišovský. In this case, the "Roger Bacon" hypothesis might have been the educated guess of Mnišovský upon looking at the VMS.

Let's move on to option C.

Why would Marci suspect that the VMS was related to Mnišovský? I can imagine two possibilities:
  • Marci observed the de Tepenecz signature and he also knew that Mnišovský was somehow connected with de Tepenecz (I don't know if the two were actually connected or not, but anyway). Actually, this simply resolves to option D;
  • certain circumstances under which Baresh obtained the book were somehow connected to Mnišovský.

The first option requires further investigation, and the second will remain a deadend unless we discover more from some Baresh's writings yet-to-be-discovered.

Now, only option D remains to be discussed, but I have just touched it above.

To those who still are reading up to this point: we thus have discussed the question of why Marci did ever approach Mnišovský about the VMS. Another question is what were the sources of Mnišovský's knowledge about the VMS, given that he was not a member of Rudolf's court himself. I do not have a ready answer, and I got tired writing all this stuff ))) so probably I will touch that question the other day. I can only note that I suspect that traces of that knowledge should be looked for in Graz rather than in Prague.
Hello Anton,

that's quite a bit to ponder about. I am away from home which makes it a bit more difficult to sort out some details, but I can add a few initial comments.

Marci was the personal physician of both Ferdinand II and III, and he certainly was well known at the court, and knew many people at the court. He was also a close friend of the historian Balbin. He cured the latter, and basically saved his life.
Some of Balbin's work has been translated by Philip Neal, and he has sections both on Jacobus de Tepenec, and on Dr. Raphael, whom Balbin also knew personally. Marci certainly was "very well connected", also with other nobility, scientists and clergy. (The archbishop of Prague once saved him from prosecution).

Kircher almost certainly did not know who was Raphael Mnisowsky, and I read Marci's reference (the person who taught Bohemian to Ferdinand III) as a way of introducing him. Kircher knew Ferdinand III very well. Throughout the Marci-Kircher correspondence there are plans of Kircher visiting Ferdinand in Prague, but these did not materialise. Kircher dedicated at least one of his books to him.

There are many uncertainties in all this, and the number of possible permutations is enormous. It is possible to come up with many different scenarios that fit all known facts.

From memory: Mnisowsky was at Ferdinand II's court in Austria in the early 1630's, when he taught his children Czech.
Still, he would have spoken about the MS with Marci and Barschius in Prague. (I couldn't quickly find the relevant mail from Raphael on this topic, and when I will, I can check this for accuracy).

One key event for me in all this is the death of Tepenec. His books were donated to the Jesuit college, but the Voynich MS did not go there. How did that happen? I suspect (but this is pure speculation) that Raphael may have had something to do with this. He was involved with confiscations of properties of deceased people, but I have no record that he knew Tepenec. Both had a Jesuit education and both were buried in the Jesuit St.Salvator church (like Marci) but neither entered the order.

The other point is related to timing. Barschius had the MS latest in 1636, but we don't know how long he had it by then. This is the time he decided to write to Kircher. This is also the time when Raphael would have talked to Marci (and Barschius).
This could be a coincidence, but it could also be that these events are connected, and Mnisowsky somehow presented the MS to Barschius. Again, this is speculation.

This is also where Sendivogius comes in.
Sendivogius was one of the two most famous alchemists at Rudolf's court, the other one being Kelly (who only lost favour later on).
Sendivogius was very drawn back, and tried to stay anonymous as much as possible. Nobody knew anything about him except, it seems, Raphael, who gained his confidence and learned much from him.
He is likely to have been an important source for Raphael, who writes in his own letter about his interest for Rudolf's manuscript collection.
Sendivogius died in 1636, just before Barschius writes about his MS.
In this scenario (which is just one of many possible ones), the initiative for talking about the MS would have come from Raphael, not from Marci, so that remains a valid option in my opinion.
Hi Rene, thanks for the clarification about Marci's position at the court.

To me, it seems unlikely that Mnišovský ever owned the VMS, even in a passing fashion. The reason for that is that, as I wrote above, nothing is said about that in the Marci's letter. it is quite explainable why Marci could omit other particulars of the pre-Baresch history of the VMS, but while explicitly mentioning "Dr. Raphael", he would certainly note that the book was at sime point of time owned by this Raphael.

But the scheme that you propose can evade this my argument. Suppose it was Mnišovský who went to de Tepenecz's library and "confiscated" the VMS, later presenting it to Baresh. I do not know what were the foundations and rules of confiscation of property of the deceased back then. I suppose that, generally, not all property was to be confiscated, and, furthermore, confiscating did not mean that the confiscating person transfers confiscated objects into his own pocket. In other words, if the VMS was ever confiscated, it would go to the crown, to the church, whatever, but not to Mnišovský or Baresh. This means that if Mnišovský took the book from de Tepenecz library, he did it in illegal fashion. In this case it is quite understandable why, in the first place, the discussion about the VMS ever took place between Marci and Mnišovský, and, in the second place, why Marci does not disclose the particulars to Kircher. In effect, this is a variation of my idea of Baresch obtaining the VMS in illegal way, only here he does not do that directly, but via Mnišovský.

However, there are serious counter-arguments to this. First, I do not think that Mnišovský was a person to perform such outright violation of the law. Second, if it were Baresh (and not Marci) for whom Mnišovský stole the book (which automatically implies that Baresch and Mnišovský knew each other quite well), then why it was Marci (and not Baresch) who was discussing the book with Mnišovský? Marci would have written to Kircher not "retuit mihi Dr. Raphael", but "Dr. Raphael told the owner of this book that..." (sorry for my absent Latin). Third, if Mnišovský's source of information about the VMS was its direct "theft" (or the like) from de Tepenecz's house, then whence would Mnišovský know that the book ever belonged to Rudolf?! So, in either case (be that your scheme or otherwise) we have to admit that Mnišovský had some source of information about the VMS beside the book itself. Because it is not written in the VMS that it belonged to Rudolf.

And the key point in this is that Mnišovský never was himself at the court of Rudolf (please feel free to correct me if I am wrong in this, cause it's the crucial point).

Respectively, I would like to propose another scheme, which, although speculative as well, does not imply that Mnišovský owned the book himself. What did Mnišovský do, and where, in the late years of Rudolf II and early years of Matthias? He studied abroad, and then he was Klesl's secretary in Austria. Melchior Klesl was not only a diplomat, priest and governor, he was one of the most important people at the court. In 1585, he was appointed imperial councillor by Rudolf II, in 1611 Matthias placed Klesl at the head of his privy council (both facts from Wikipedia). In other words, he was for sure a very informed man. Beside that, I guess that ties between Prague and Graz were very close in those days, and, if I'm not mistaken, Graz lay on the road from Prague to Rome, so whoever traveled from Prague to Rome or backwards stopped in Graz. In other words, Graz was a good place to gather news and rumours.

So my first guess is that Mnišovský, while in Klesl's service, heard about the VMS either from Klesl himself or from any people revolving around Klesl or maybe passing Graz and paying visit to Klesl.

May the book even have been in Klesl's possession before or after de Tepenecz? This needs further consideration and aligning timelines of events.

The fact that Mnišovský did not tell anything to Marci about Klesl can be explained. Klesl died in 1630, and the Report may have occured before that date, when Klesl was still alive. So if the information was of a confidential nature, Mnišovský probably did not want to somehow compromise his former patron by mentioning him in connection with the VMS.
Some graphical representation of timelines would really help here.
[Continuing my previous post]

Another  direction to find the answer to the question where Mnišovský obtained his information about the VMS is the idea that it has been reported to him by the person who actually introduced the book to the court - the receiver of 600 ducats. In such case, Mnišovský knew about the matter not as an informed member of the court, but as the member of the circle of scholars (remember that he was interested in alchemy and secret writing). So suppose it was Sendivogius or someone else who once sold the book to Rudopf, and later (when Mnišovský returned to Prague after his wanderings abroad and became acquainted with the person in question) that person just told him this curious page of that person's biography).
Hello Anton,
 
referring also to the other thread, I agree that it is a bit more likely that Tepenec gave the MS to someone before his death.
However, someone like Mnisowsky could quite well have convinced the Jesuits to give (or even sell) this book to him after T's death.

After all (and this is another form of 'Voynich MS' bias), the MS was not nearly as fascinating then, as it is now.
It was not obvious that it was 'uncrackable', and people would not have known that there exists no other book in this language or code.

Anyway...
This is also related to two other unknowns: we don't know if his ex libris simply faded, or was erased (two quite different situations) and whether it was still visible or not when Barschius and Marci first saw the MS.

I don't see a particular role for Klesl w.r.t. the MS. I am also not tied to the possibility that Raphael learned about the history of the MS from Sendivogius. This is simply one very good possibility and there are others. The main point is that nobody should try to argue that Mnisowsky 'could not have known' about the MS. From everything that is known about him, there is nothing strange or unusual that he knew.

In 1621-1622, when Tepenec was ill, Marci and Barschius did not yet play a role in Prague. Marci was still a student. It is possible that Tepenec knew Barschius through the Clementinum, and it is possible that Raphael knew him through their common interest in alchemy (which also applies for T) but this is quite uncertain.

More later....
One important thing I forgot...

I would be extremely careful in trying to deduce anything from what people did NOT say or did NOT do.
These people lived 350 years ago, and we may not have a good idea about their thoughts and motivations.

As an example, people have argued that, since Barschius in his letter to Kircher did not mention the nude
nymphs, he was not talking about the Voynich MS but another MS. This is not a valid deduction, because there
could be any number of reasons why he did not mention them.

Marci did not mention that Tepenec owned the MS. I can think of several good reasons why he did not.
The two most obvious are the he either did not think it important or he did not know.
We certainly cannot deduce that he did not know.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Follow-on: a timeline I have been composing over the years, with all sorts of details, many of which are quite possibly irrelevant.
Latest update of this file was in 2014. I put sources (books, articles) in [brackets]. They are occasionally conflicting.
This is just a copy and past from my MS-Word document without any changes (even several typos I noted when I quickly scanned it).
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

1595
Martinus Santinus studies in the Jesuit college at Cesky Krumlov.
 
1595
13 June: J.Marcus Marci born in Lanskroun (Litomisl)
 
1598
Jacobus Horcicky enters the Clementinum to follow courses [Wrany].
 
1600
Jacobus Horcicky becomes administrator of the Jesuit school in Jindrichuv Hradec [Wrany]. [Wikipedia says of the botanical garden in J.Hradec]. Note that Marci enters this school in 1608 [Trebon archive in J.Hradec]
 
1602
Jessenius becomes private physician to Rudolf II [Evans]
 
1602
Dr. Raphael Mnishowsky in Prague publishes a Czech translation of a book by Paproczky (from Polish). [Pelzel]
 
1602
Jacobus Horcicky signs his name (Jacobus Sinapius) in the book: ‘Opus ruralium commodorum von Petrus de Crescentiis. His 18th book.
 
1602
9 May: Barschius receives his Baccalaureate in the Clementinum. [Truc]
 
1603
14 May: Barschius receives his Magistrate in the Clementinum. [Truc]
 
1605
Shortly before 1606, through the intermediation of Vilem Slavata, Jacobus Horcicky become ‘capitaneus’ and administrator of the properties of the St.George monastery in the Prague castle. [Wrany]
 
1607
Rudolf II supposedly names Jacobus Horcicky imperial chemist. [Wrany]
 
1608
Jacobus Horcicky supposedly cures Rudolf II from a disease [Wrany]
 
1608
June: Jacobus Horcicky on Rudolf II’s payroll as a “servant (Hofdiener) with two horses”, for 20 florins monthly. [Staudinger]
 
1608
13 July: birth of the later emperor Ferdinand III of Habsburg.
 
1608
20 October: nobilitatio of Jacobus Horcicky, signed by Rudolf. He receives the title ‘de Tepenec’. According to Staudinger, this is the lowest possible nobility (only valid for Bohemia), and a prerequisite for becoming a ‘Hofdiener’.
 
1609
Rudolf II issues a decree of religious freedom.
 
1609
First issue of Jacobus de Tepenec’s book titled "The Catholic Confession, or Description of the Right Common Christian Confession, About Hope, Credence and Love" (with the help of some doctor from the Clementinum, dedicated to chancellor Lobkowitz) which went through several editions. [Source??]
 
1611
Rudolf II appoints Dr.Raphael Mnishowsky as secretary to Melchior Klesl [Pelzel]
 
1612
Marci enters the Jesuit college in Olomouc [Smolka/Acta…, in Garber]
 
1612
20 January: death of Rudolf II. Matthias becomes emperor.
 
1612
February: Jacobus de Tepenec’s monthly salary of 20 fl. confirmed.[Staudinger]
 
1616:
Jacobus de Tepenec becomes Hauptmann (hejtman / capitaneus) of Melnik. According to Pelzel, it was because Jacobus de Tepenec lent Rudolf a large sum of money.
 
1616
Dr.Raphael teaches the Bohemian language to the young archduke (and later emperor) Ferdinand III. [Pelzel]
 
1616
(See also 1618) Marci  graduates as bachelor of arts and Magister Philosphiae [Smolka/Acta…, in Garber]
 
1617
Jessenius elected rector of Prague University
 
1617
18 November: Jacobus de Tepenec signs a document in Melnik, calling himself hejtman. [Slajsna]
 
1618
(See also 1616) Marci completes his studies in Olomouc. [Svobodny]
 
1618
Marci begins his medical training at the Charles university [Garber, no other source]
 
1618
23 May: Prager Fenstersturz. The imperial ‘Stadthalter’ Martiniz and Slavata (and a scribe), thrown out by protestant revolters. All three survive.
24 May: protestants elect a ‘directorate’.
 
1618
3 July: Jessenius arrested in Pressburg (Bratislava) and transported to Vienna. [Skala & J.Hurych]
 
1618
17 September: Jacobus de Tepenec, calling himself his Majesty the emperor’s Hauptman of Melnik, prisoner in the ‘Weisser Turm’ in Prague writes to the empress (still kept in the ‘gräflichen Trautmannsdorfschen Archiv’ X.1. Nr.12) that he has been captured by the ‘Directors’ and placed in the ‘Weisser Turm’. He calls for her protection. He had refused to bail himself out for 4000 “Schock” (which was meant to be a loan). A copy of this is kept in the Prager Landesarchiv. [Pick]. [Wrany says he was imprisoned in Melnik].
 
1618
24 October: Jacobus de Tepenec, still prisoner, writes to the empress again, to urgently help him, but of no avail. [Pick].
 
1618
Early December: Adam of Waldstein calls for an armistice of two months, and as a gesture calls for the release of Ponzon and Tepenece, in which case he would release Dr. Jesenius. [Pick l].
 
1618
5 December: Jessenius receives notification that he will be allowed to leave prison, after 22 weeks (fits exactly with capture on 3 July). He is released on 19 December. In exchange, two other prisoners are ‘released’ (Tepenec and Dr.Ponzon). [Pick]. [Wrany has January 1620 for the exchange with Jesenius].
 
1618-1620
Dr. Raphael Mnishowsky employed by Ferdinand II for state affairs. [Dr.Klicman to W.Voynich, 1921].
 
1619
11 January: Jessenius returns to Prague as rector of Unviersity, but is mostly politically active. [Skala & J.Hurych]
 
1619?
Before death of Matthias [Skala]: a large group of catholics and imperial sympathisers are exiled. Ponzon and Tepenece are among them. Whether the exile was really enforced is not that clear. (Ottov Slovnik Naucny says exiled to Germany).
 
1619
20 March: emperor Matthias of Habsburg dies.
 
1619
28 August: Ferdinand II crowned as next emperor (in Frankfurt)
 
 
1620
Jessenius travels internationally with Frederic Palatinate [Skala & J.Hurych]
 
1620
8 November: battle of white mountain. Protestants defeated by catholics and imperialists.
 
1621?
(Probable year.) As the Jesuits get control over the Clementinum again, Jacobus de Tepenec donates them 100 Taler [Schmidl]
 
1621
1 January: Dr. Raphael Mnishowsky obtains the title: ‘de Sebuzin’. [Pelzel].
 
1621
21 June: Jessenius executed with public humiliation.
 
1621
16 October: Jacobus de Tepenec’s ownership of Melnik is reconfirmed for 6 years, by Carl v. Liechtenstein in the name of the emperor. [document kept in the Trebon archive in Jindrichov Hradec – Stejskal].
 
1622
Medical faculty opens in Prague University. Marci becomes one of its first students. [Svobodny]
 
1622
2 May: Dr. Raphael Mishowsky installed as counsel in the royal appeals court of Prague "on the doctors' bench". [Dr.Klicman to W.Voynich, 1921].
 
1622
25 September [Schmidl] or August [Wrany, probably wrong], death of Jacobus de Tepenec from consequences of a fall from a horse. As his health was declining, he travelled from Melnik to Prague, and died in the Clementinum in the arms of the Jesuit Adam Krawarz. In his testament he left all his possessions to the Jesuits. His grave is in St.Salvator church at the Clementinum in Prague, near the altar of Maria's annunciation. The Jesuit Georgius Ferus delivered his obituary. [Schmidl, Pelzel]
 
1624
Barschius formally becomes a citizen of Prague [Liva / R.Prinke]
 
1625
17 April: Marci graduates with outstanding defense of thesis [Svobodny]
 
1626
Fr. Martinus Santinus S.J. becomes rector of the Prague University.
 
1626?
(Year to be confirmed). Dr. Rapael Mishowsky publishes his code book in Trithemian style.
 
1628
Dr. Raphael Mnishowsky named secretary to the aulic chancellery (Hofkanzlei).[Klicman]
 
1629
Fr. Martinus Santinus S.J. stops being rector of the Prague University.
 
1630
May(?) Dr. Raphael Mnisowsky writes to Vilem Slavata, recommending(?) Sendivogius [Rafal Prinke, p.c.]
 
1630
22 September: Dr. Raphael Mnisowsky (aged 50) writes to emperor Ferdinand II, asking for support to Michael Sendivogius. In this letter, Raphael writes that he has studied alchemy for 30 years, and used to consult emperor Rudolf’s manuscripts (plaintext and cipher). [HHStA, Fam.Kor.A, Kart. 8, fol.278-284]
 
1634
After a short stay in Olomouc, Th.Moretus SJ is teaching mathematics in the Clementinum [Schuppener]
 
1635
Dr. Raphael Mnisowsky becomes royal procurator [Klicman]
 
1637
15 February: death of emperor Ferdinand II of Habsburg.
 
1637
Second half: Barschius owns the Voynich MS and, prompted by Kircher’s publication of Prodromus Coptus, writes a letter to Athanasius Kircher, which is sent to Rome on his behalf by Th.Moretus SJ.
 
1638
25 December: Moretus writes to Kircher, mentioning the Prodromus Coptus. [APUG 567 f.7r]
 
1639
This year, Th.Moretus SJ leaves Prague, to return only in 1646. {Schuppener]
 
1639
Probably this year, Marci travels to Rome to see Athanasius Kircher, together with Baron Franciscus Sternberg and Father Ignatius Roio, [Garber, p.58-59] and possibly also with Daisinger [Smolka, priv.comm.]
 
1639
12 March, Kircher writes to Theodor Moretus SJ, responding to an earlier letter (actually two) sent by him, indicating that he cannot interpret the mysterious writing, but it reminds him of Illyrian writing. This is most probably a response to the 1637 Barschius letter, which Moretus sent on Barschius’ behalf.
 
1639
27 April, Barschius writes his second letter to Athanasius Kircher, reminding him of the Voynich MS and again asking for advice on it.
 
1640
3 June, Athanasius Kircher probably sends something to Martinus Santinus (according to Santinus’ letter of 20 July)
 
1640
20 July, Martinus Santinus writes to Kircher, mentioning that Marci and Roio are not yet back in Prague.
 
1640
3 August, Marci writes to Kircher, from Regensburg, supposedly on his way back to Prague from Rome.
 
1640
12 September, Marci writes to Kircher, recommending Barschius.
 
1641
Balbín attends a mathematics course by Th.Moretus, and is very impressed by it [Schuppener] (Contradicts an entry for 1639 above)
 
1641
12 January, Marci writes to Kircher, sending greetings from Barschius and Santinus.
 
1644
Death of Dr. Raphael, aged 64. Balbín, close friend of Marci, writes that he personally knew him.[Pelzel]
 
References
 
[Evans]: R.J.W. Evans: Rudolf II and his world.
[Garber]: Optics and Alchemy in the philosophical writings of Marcus Marci in post-Rudolfine Prague, 1612-1670, Margaret D. Garber, 2002
[HHStA]: Wien, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv
[Liva]: Václav Líva: Seznamy pražských novoměšťanů za léta 1618–1653,
Praha 1937 (first published as a series of articles
in "Časopis Rodopisné společnosti československé v Praze"
VII-VIII, 1935-1936)
[Pelzel]: Franz Martin Pelzel: Abbildungen Böhmischer und Mährischer Gelehrten und Künstler nebst kurzen Nachrichten von ihrem Leben und Wirken, Prague, 1773-1782
[Pick]: Fridel Pick: Johann Jessenius, Leipzig 1916
[Schmidl:]
[Skala]:
[Smolka/Acta]:
[Svobodny]: Petr Svobodný (ed): Joannes Marcus Marci, a 17th century Bohemian polymath, Prague, Charles University Press, 1998
[Truc]: Vydání Pripravil, K. and Miroslav Truc: Album Academiae Pragensis Societatis Iesu 1573-1617 (1565-1624), Universita Karlova, Praha, 1968
[Wrany]: Adalbert Wraný: Geschichte der Chemie und der auf Chemischer Grundlage beruhenden Betriebe in Böhmen, bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts, Prag, 1902
Very appreciative that you are sharing years of careful research, René.
Quote:After all (and this is another form of 'Voynich MS' bias), the MS was not nearly as fascinating then, as it is now.
It was not obvious that it was 'uncrackable', and people would not have known that there exists no other book in this language or code.

Good point.

Quote:someone like Mnisowsky could quite well have convinced the Jesuits to give (or even sell) this book to him after T's death.

The book does not bear the inscription of the college, as other former Tepenecz's books do. That means that Mnišovský had to be fast as lightning - to be able to get the book before the jesuits take stock of the books signed away to them. Which renders this scheme not very likely -  unless, of course, the jesuit inscription also has been there and has been erased. A more likely scheme is that (as Jan Hurych already suggested ten years ago) Mnišovský did acquire the VMS from de Tepenecz himself during the life of the latter. Then, de Tepenecz could tell him about 600 ducats and all that. But here additional complications arise in that the book ended up with Baresch, while was discussed with Marci (and not with Baresch). Mind that it was not like Marci got the book from Mnišovský and gave it to Baresch. It was legally Baresch's property, otherwise Baresch would not have signed it away to Marci in his will, but just would have "returned" the book to Marci. Of course, Baresch could just purchase the book from Mnišovský through the assistance of Marci acting as a "rendevouz-point" between the two men who did not now each other...

Quote:Follow-on: a timeline I have been composing over the years, with all sorts of details, many of which are quite possibly irrelevant.

Much appreciated!

Quote:1616

Dr.Raphael teaches the Bohemian language to the young archduke (and later emperor) Ferdinand III. [Pelzel]

By a coincidence, this morning I consulted the Pelzel's book (which is available on the net) about Mnišovský and spotted this very dating. It is a multi-volume book and Mnišovský is discussed in You are not allowed to view links. Register or Login to view. on page 50 onwards. I guess it is this book whence the portrait of Mnišovský is taken.

As a sidenote, I wonder why do we call the man "Mnishowsky" while in this XVIII c. reference he is called "Mishowsky"? What was his real name and would not more information be found about him if we perform old books search against "Mishowsky" (without the letter "n")?

Returning to the dating. Pelzel writes (p. 51):

Quote:Der Erzherzog Ferdinand , mit den treuen Diensten unsers Raphael zufrieden belohnte sie dadurch, dass er ihn zu seinem Hofe nahm. Er verlieh ihm die Stelle eines Regierungsraths in Steyermark, und weil er vorsah, dass sein Stamm eistens auf den böhmischen Thron gelangen würde , so trug er ihm auf seinen Sohn, der Erzherzog, welcher nachmals unter dem Namen Ferdinand III König in Böhmen und Rom. Kaiser wurde, in der böhmischen Sprache zu unterrichten. Dies war im Jahre 1616.

The dating of 1616 looks to me as more appropriate than 1627 onwards, because in 1616 Ferdinand III was 8 years old which is the approriate time to hire a language teacher for him, as opposed to doing that in the age of 19 or even later, unless Ferdinand III was strongly indisposed to foreign languages. But that would mean that Marci is wrong either in his "Regis tum Boemiae" or in his "in lingua boemica instructor". I would not venture to judge whether in 1665 he would sooner be wrong in his memories of who was King of Bohemia 50 years ago or in who was Mnishowsky when he discussed the VMS with him. Both things do not look OK, especially the former. We usually remember who was the ruler of our land 50 years ago. That's even more so for those earlier ages when presidents did not change that often.

Suppose that Marci is not wrong about "in lingua boemica instructor". This would mean that the Report took place around 1616-1620 - when de Tepenecz was still alive (!), Mnischowsky resided in Austria, and Marci resided in Bohemia, studying in Olomouc and then Prague. Something does not fit here. Confused

Pelzel further writes (p. 51 - 52) that:

Quote:Wie hieraus der Erzherzog Ferdinand zum König vom Böhmen erwählt vurde, und nach der Schlacht auf dem weissenBerge bei Prag  zum Besitze des Königreichs gelangte, nahm er unsern Mischowsky nach Prag, und ernannte ihn zum Rathe bei der Appelation auf dem Prager Schlosse.

The battle of White Mountain was in 1620, so it is not earlier than 1620 when Mnishowsky re-appears in Prague.
Okay, upon some more consideration, I can imagine only one interpretation of Marci that would lift the veil of contradiction without the need to resort to poor memory of Marci.

As Rene points out, Kircher did not knew Mnishowsky, but he knew Ferdinand III. So the whole point why Ferdinand III is mentioned at all is because he is invoked as a means to introduce Mnishowsky to Kircher and to arouse Kircher's interest. So Marci would write: "Dr. Rafael, once the language tutor of Ferdinand III, told me..." I suspect that Marci simply omitted the word "once", and it was precisely that what made his phrase a mess of a reference.

Insofar as Kircher knew Ferdinand III, Kircher really was not in need of additional explanations of who Ferdinand III was - was he a King of Bohemia, a Roman Emperor, or somebody else. So why Marci would even include the reference to the Kingdom of Bohemia? Even if Mnishowsky was still the language teacher of Ferdinand III when the latter was already King of Bohemia (but still could not force himself to master the Czech language, haha) - which is highly unlikely, as discussed above - why include these particulars into the letter to Kircher? Was it of importance to Kircher whether Mnishowsky had been the teacher of Ferdinand when the latter was King of Bohemia or rather at some other time? I don't think so. Hence, the whole note about Ferdinand's rule over Bohemia, and the Marci's "tum", must refer not to Mnishowsky's teaching Ferdinand, but to Mnishowsky making the Report to Marci!

In other words, what Marci says in quite a roundabout fashion, should be read in the following way:

"When Ferdinand III was King of Bohemia, Dr. Rafael, once his teacher in Czech language, told me that"...
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